Transcultural communication is a process involving stakeholders from distinct cultural contexts. In order for communication to be effective and fruitful, it is essential to find fertile common ground among these stakeholders so they can have productive discussions and, more than that, interweave their different traditions, expertise, competencies, sensibilities, and interests. This encounter can then bring forth collaborations, positive and lasting relationships, and sometimes even connections of some substance between different peoples.

This essay investigates transcultural communication through a case study of film commissions. These are usually public, non-profit organisations looking to attract audiovisual productions to their areas and supply them with services free of charge. Through this two-pronged effort (attraction and service provision), film commissions create various benefits for the local economy, from boosting employment and tax revenue to bringing in money as film crews purchase what they need.

Although relatively recent, film commissions are spreading fast in Europe and worldwide. That said, these entities remain little studied. More importantly, film commissions have never been analysed through a transnational-communication perspective. This is odd as film commissions’ defining aim is to create collaboration between stakeholders from different backgrounds. Film commissions bring together industry and public bodies, local and non-local stakeholders (some from other regions or even countries from abroad), to make a complex cultural product – a film, TV series, web series or documentary – that meets all their interests and whose quality depends on the efforts and resources contributed by everyone involved.

The question this essay aims to answer is this: is it possible to view film commissions as modern, unprecedented intermediaries and transcultural communicators of increasing importance to the audiovisual-production arena and to local economic-development plans?

We contend that the film commissions can stimulate transcultural phenomena on three levels. First, they act as intermediaries between the audiovisual production business (production companies, directors and screenwriters) and the host area (local institutions and the community). These stakeholders have different goals; they are not in with the industry lingo; and their work is subject to time schedules that are hard to reconcile. Second, film commissions encourage collaboration between different production cultures – professionals that the audiovisual production businesses bring to a given place for filming and professionals recruited in situ locally and non-locally. In other words, film commissions help to create special teams whose members have different habits and ways of working. Third, film commissions give incentives to new collaboration between the audiovisual production business and the tourist sector. These two worlds have traditionally been separate, unaware of each other’s dynamics, yet capable of achieving significant economic results as a joint group through synergies. These three forms of transcultural collaboration have a clear economic impact. But there’s more. Film commissions’ key role of negotiating with production companies, local bodies, and tourism agencies has its own impact, in turn, on the creative output. Therefore, through their mediation, film commissions exercise influence on the viewers too, some of whom opt to go and visit the film locations afterward, thus becoming film-induced tourists.

The essay demonstrates the above thesis in three separate sections. The first (Section 2) identifies the reasons why film commissions came into existence in Europe and describes what they do. The second (Section 3) examines the three levels of transcultural communication and mediation on which film commissions operate. And the third (Section 4) gives the conclusion.

The research approach is a blend of political economy of media and production studies. The former analyses the main trends in the media arena in production, distribution, and market terms, especially the relations between media companies and public bodies, between corporate strategy and public policy (Wasko, 2014). The production studies strand, meanwhile, probes the operational dynamics created during the production stage, the relations among different stakeholders, and the implications for the creative output (Caldwell, 2008; Szczepanik & Vonderau, 2013). The essay stems from a continual investigation into film commissions operating in Western Europe which started about 10 years ago (Cucco & Richeri, 2013), which includes numerous interviews with various film commissioners as well as close observation of their work. It tries to offer a critical theoretical reflection on the phenomena observed and studied.

2 The Advent of Film Commissions in Europe

The 1990s brought an important new development in support and public funding for cinema in Europe, as local councils got involved (Milla, Fontaine, & Kanzler, 2016). Traditionally, local bodies took only a very marginal interest in cinema, confining themselves to helping to fund local festivals, supporting film collections and sponsoring film forums and shows. They saw cinema as a segment that brought only intangible benefits in terms of intellectual stimulation – nothing to justify public investment. So for a long time, local support for cinema was very limited, merely offering selected films for local audiences, leaving national government to provide regulation and support (Cucco, 2018).

Then in the late 1990s, a change occurred. Local government began to see creative industries in general and cinemas in particular as strategic levers for creating cultural benefits and promoting economic development. The creative industries are based on exploiting not material resources but knowledge. So they are theoretically more sustainable than other industries, and they lend themselves better to being marketed overseas. The late 1990s saw a transition in the conception of the cultural industries – from a sector to be supported to one to be invested in (Drake, 2013; Garnham, 2005; Hesmondhalgh, 2019; Schlesinger, 2007).

Policymakers Europe-wide applied this new perspective to cinema too (Doyle, Schlesinger, Boyle, & Kelly, 2015). Film began to be seen as a strategic sector – in terms not of the population’s cultural education but rather of creating benefits for the local economy (Cucco, 2018). National governments focused mainly on granting tax credits to those investing in cinema, prompting a boom in tax incentive schemes that lasted for the first two decades of the new millennium. Local bodies, meanwhile, were mainly interested in the production stage, especially the shooting. Audiovisual productions were wooed with what translated into a series of economic benefits for the local area. Their extent varied according to how large the production was and how long it stayed in the area (Goldsmith, 2015). The economic incentives included money spent on local goods and services, employment, tax receipts, developing or consolidating skills specific to the audiovisual world and, sometimes, increasing or creating new tourism demand.

To attract audiovisual productions to their area, local public bodies use two main tools: film commissions and film funds. Film commissions are non-profit organisations set up by a public body. Be specific to attract audiovisual productions and facilitate their stay in the local area. Whatever their organisational or legal form (associations, foundations, etc.), all film commissions exist to provide logistical support to save productions time and money while generating economic benefits for the local residents and businessesity.

A film commission’s core role (Cucco & Richeri, 2013) is:

1. a)

   to provide information about the area. Film commissions give details about the weather, local taxes and laws, the infrastructure available, etc., to enable the productions to make the most of what the area has to offer and to plan their stay effectively.

2. b)

   to scout locations: film commissions seek out the locations that a production needs, offering various alternatives. Film commissions can do this better than anyone, as they have strong local roots and know the landscape and its possibilities intimately. Once the ideal locations have been found, the film commissions open negotiations with local stakeholders about using those places and organising the shooting (permission to use public or private spaces, temporary closures of businesses, museums, churches, etc.).

3. c)

   to sign contracts: film commissions conclude agreements with hotels and providers of the various services that productions might need (catering, laundry, etc.). Thus, they help production companies save money while encouraging them to use local services and pump money into the local economy.

4. d)

   to obtain permits: film commissions take care of the admin, applying for permits, coordinating with the police, etc., to facilitate filming on location. The production companies used to do all this themselves, which could be particularly onerous when filming in a foreign country.

5. e)

   to map out and promote the local professionals: film commissions identify the relevant professionals on the technical and artistic sides in their area and put them forward to the hosted productions. Thus, the film commissions create jobs and increase the benefits to the local economy from the productions. These new job opportunities also enable local professionals to improve their skills, making the area even more appealing for future productions.

6. f)

   to provide spaces: film commissions can often provide access to offices, car parking, meeting rooms, casting rooms, etc., facilitating work on the production and making it all more efficient.

Nowadays, any area wanting to host film productions needs a film commission. It is tricky to establish just how many film commissions are operating in Europe, because there is no common definition of what a film commission is; in particular, no national or EU film commission registries existing. Commissions’ importance to the film industry varies from country to country, based in particular on the powers that local administrations enjoy in the cultural arena. Regardless of these variations, local government has a more important role now in supporting cinema throughout the continent. The local bodies provide this support under their own initiative, not as an obligation under national laws or European directives.

The second tool that local administrations use is the film fund. This provides financial support for productions hosted in the area and is managed either by the local film commission (as is mainly the case in Italy, Cucco & Richeri, 2013) or directly by the public body holding the purse strings (the primary model in the rest of Europe). It may seem unwise for local bodies to offer money to audiovisual productions, sometimes even to foreign ones, especially during difficult economic times. But film funds exist precisely to create real economic benefits for the host area. Payments are subject to the proviso that the production spends more in the local area than it receives (usually 150%). And other conditions may apply, e.g., to recruit a minimum percentage of local workers, to spend a minimum number of days in the area, to give a certain visibility to the local sites in the final version of the product. These stipulations assure a return on the funding body’s investment. The situation is different with film commissions, as they provide services to all comers, in the hope (far from certain) that the productions receiving this logistical help will spend more in the area than what the film commission costs to the local administration.

It is not easy to count the number of active local film funds in Europe, as the situation is in constant flux. While the level of public funding directly from the EU is largely stable, and national support is on a downward trend (national governments now tend to invest in cinema mainly through indirect funding), local efforts continue to grow (Milla et al., 2016). Moreover, these local contributions are awarded mainly according to automatic criteria based on money spent in the area, which considerably expands the potential range of productions that might apply for funds (Cucco, 2018).

3 Film Commissions as Promoters and Mediators

The analysis of the reasons behind film commissions’ emergence and their roles casts film commissions as modern promoters and transcultural mediators. The following three sections examine this role on three separate levels.

3.1 Audiovisual Producers, Local Institutions, and the Local Population

This discussion has shown how film commissions are now key players in a film or audiovisual-production process. Film commissions communicate and negotiate with different stakeholders: film and television companies and professionals, public institutions, tourism workers, etc. These stakeholders all have their different interests, sensibilities, expertise and languages, and they work in different time frames. Film commissions must therefore find common ground where the various stakeholders can come together and make a positive contribution to the production of a complex creative product. Film commissions may therefore be termed cultural mediators, promoters of transcultural communication and bringers of synergies (interactions of two or more agents that produce a combined effect greater than the sum of their separate effect). This will be particularly important in the pandemic and post-pandemic era.European Audiovisual Observatory (2020).

This delicate transcultural-mediation task is the everyday work of people who have actually never been properly trained to do it. Indeed, there is no study pathway or qualification to become a film commissioner – apart from the training course by the Association of Film Commissioners International (AFCI), which represents around 360 film commissions across 40 countries.https://afci.org.

Despite this lacuna, film commissions seem to be playing their intermediary role with success. This is confirmed by how the geography of audiovisual production has changed in the last 20 years, becoming increasingly multi-centric and multilingual (Augros, 2008; Brannon Donoghue, 2017; Cucco, 2015; Elmer, Davis, Marchessault, & McCullough, 2010; Elmer & Gasher, 2005; Mayer, 2017; Miller, Govil, McMurria, Maxwell, & Wang, 2005; Mingant, 2010; Pardo, 2007; Wasko & Erickson, 2008). Shooting has become more delocalised, in both the United States (independent and mainstream films) and Europe.[3] In Europe, infrastructure has been put in place to support large productions from outside the continent, and there are more and more areas in every nation looking to offer filming locations. The knee-jerk tendency to film in big cities (Rome, Paris and London) is receding in favour of other cities that now offer high-quality services, know-how, and infrastructure. This means that films and audiovisual products shot in Europe are broadening their horizons, bringing places to the screen that had previously not been considered. In short, audiovisual production is offering a broader, more diverse vision of the continent’s landscapes. This shows once again that the impact of the film commissions’ work is not just economic but also creative; this is so considering how it is part of the impact on audiences and especially on their imagination.

Film commissions’ role in the production process continues to consolidate and grow. But they are facing some increasingly urgent issues. Lack of dedicated training is one, which could impair film commissions’ ability to mediate with different cultures. The audiovisual productions’ sustainability (both economic and environmental) is another, with particular reference to: a) the Sustainable Development Goals adopted by the United Nations in 2015 and incorporated in the Agenda 2030 resolution; b) the EU Green Deal signed in 2019, which establishes the Union’s sustainable-development initiatives. Film commissions often attract productions to places with no production experience, established practices or suitable supporting structures. Filming may therefore use the area in a way that harms the environment and this may be felt invasive by the residents. Film commissions are now required to encourage audiovisual productions to use green protocols and to provide economic rewards (grants) to those who do. Sustainability is also key to film tourism, which is often spontaneous, unexpected and hard to manage (Buchmann, 2012; Tzanelli, 2019). The visitor influx can be massive immediately after films are released to theatres or when TV series are aired, before evaporating as quickly as it appeared. This leads to areas being exploited intensively and in an ill-managed fashion – rather than acquiring cultural or economic value. So film commissions’ challenge for the future is to build a culture of sustainability into their communications, their education campaigns, and their stakeholder’s promotions. Which implies, once again, the need for dedicated film commissioner training.